In my previous opinion piece, I argued that Zambia urgently needs to strengthen its tobacco control policies – by removing the 75% excise tax exemption for locally produced cigarettes, passing the long-delayed Tobacco Products Control Bill, and aligning with global best practice on health taxes and regulation. Those arguments were grounded in clear evidence: tobacco kills more than 7,000 Zambians every year, costs the economy ZMW 2.8 billion annually, and remains a major driver of non-communicable diseases.

Since then, the Eleventh Conference of the Parties (COP11) to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) has concluded. And if anything, COP11 reinforced the urgency of the issues I raised. The global message was unmistakable: countries must intensify efforts to protect public health from the tobacco and nicotine industries and from the vested interests that defend them.

For Zambia, the lesson from COP11 is not just that we need stronger laws. It is that we must confront, head-on, the conflicts of interest and industry interference that keep those laws from ever seeing the light of day.
COP11 delivered several important outcomes that deserve national attention.

First, Parties adopted new measures to address the environmental harms of tobacco. Cigarette filters, the world’s most littered plastic item, have long polluted our cities, rivers, and farmland. COP11 called for stronger regulation of filters, plastics, and the growing volumes of toxic e-waste from e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products. These issues are especially pertinent for Zambia, where weak waste management systems mean these materials accumulate in the environment, threatening ecosystems and public health.

Second, COP11 highlighted the rapidly growing risks posed by new nicotine products – vapes, heated tobacco products, and nicotine pouches. These products are aggressively marketed to young people through flavours, sleek packaging, and digital promotion. While COP11 could not reach consensus on a single regulatory approach and deferred final decisions to COP12 in 2027, the discussions clearly showed that strong, health-based regulation is urgently needed to protect children and prevent a new generation of nicotine addiction.

Third, COP11 reinforced the importance of sustainable financing. As global aid declines, countries must rely more on domestic resource mobilisation to sustain public-health programmes. Tobacco taxation, when applied consistently and without exemptions, remains one of the most effective measures both to reduce consumption and generate revenue. For Zambia – facing steep reductions in external financing – this is a critical opportunity.

Fourth, COP11 strengthened the focus on liability and forward-looking measures. Parties recognised that tobacco companies can and should be held legally accountable for the harms caused by their products. Countries were encouraged to adopt innovative regulations such as plain packaging, design restrictions, and modern retail licensing systems. These tools empower governments to move beyond outdated approaches and respond more effectively to evolving industry tactics.

And finally, COP11 adopted a landmark UN-wide ban on tobacco and nicotine use across all UN premises. This decision sends a powerful signal about institutional leadership and the growing global consensus that tobacco and nicotine products do not belong in public, professional, or educational spaces.

In short, the world is moving toward tougher rules, clearer firewalls against industry influence, and greater ambition in protecting public health.

Zambia, by contrast, arrived at COP11 with the same unresolved contradictions I highlighted earlier: a 15-year delay in passing a public-health tobacco control law; a permanent tax incentive for cigarette manufacturers; and a pattern of industry lobbying that weakens or blocks regulation. The absence of a unified national position, combined with the lack of progress on domestic legislation, left Zambia out of step with global momentum.

Which brings us to the heart of the matter: this is no longer simply a technical problem or a legislative drafting issue. It is a governance challenge rooted in unmanaged conflicts of interest and industry interference across multiple sectors of government—from agriculture and trade to finance and foreign affairs.

For Zambia, COP11 should be a mirror. It should force us to confront not only what we have failed to do, but why we have failed to do it.

In next week’s opinion, I will examine in detail what industry interference looks like, how it operates in Zambia, and why recognizing conflicts of interest is the essential first step to protecting public health and fulfilling our obligations under the WHO FCTC. COP11 has made avoidance impossible. The time has come for an honest national conversation.

Author:
Zunda Chisha is an economist specializing in Health Taxation, illicit trade, and the social determinants of health. He serves as Programme Director of the WHO FCTC Knowledge Hub on Tobacco Taxation and Research Officer at the University of Cape Town’s Research unit on the Economics of Excisable Products (REEP). He has provided technical support on fiscal policy and public health strategies globally, with a focus on low- and middle-income countries.